Why is there still no education commission?

The Interim Government, established on August 8, 2024 as a result of a youth-led popular uprising and led by the most internationally renowned living Bangladeshi, Nobel laureate Professor Muhammad Yunus, is committed to a program of “state reconstruction.” The students and the public, the Chhatra Janata, who overthrew the oligarchic and kleptocratic regime, want to ensure that the state in the future will serve the people and not the selfish cartel.

In his speech on September 11, Professor Yunus announced the creation six independent commissions reform the constitution, electoral system, judiciary, police, Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) and public administration. The commissions have been asked to provide their recommendations for action within three months, followed by public dialogue on the recommendations. On October 31st the formation took place five more commissions Reforms were announced in the areas of health, media, labor rights, local government and women’s affairs. The 11 commissions are expected to review key areas of government policy, responsibilities and services that are vital elements of government recovery.

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In the face of dysfunction in all areas of public services, the relevant authorities initiated various other reforms such as the Economic White Paper Committee and the National Board of Revenue (NBR) Task Force on Income Tax. law. September 30 Ministry of Primary and Mass Education appointed an advisory committee advise on improving the quality of primary and non-formal education, pedagogy and governance structure. This author was appointed as the convener of the committee.

We might remind ourselves that the student-led uprising arose because of discriminatory rules regarding civil service positions, and education and training more broadly, that do not pave the way to decent work and livelihoods for the majority of students. Due to different streams with unequal standards and access depending on the economic status of the family, education is not a ladder to move from generation to generation to a better life. Instead, schools have become a way to exacerbate existing inequalities, limiting opportunities and prospects for most children.

The widely adopted education policy, formulated in 2010 and expected to still be in force, provided for uniform schooling of acceptable quality for all children, motivated and capable teachers, and decentralized and responsive management of education. The policy also provided for the development of appropriate intermediate and tertiary level skills and the production of competent professionals, scientists and researchers through the expansion of higher education to acceptable standards. The policy compromised by adopting several strands of school education with different standards and serving different purposes. It also remained uncertain how its goals might be realized. And, like its predecessors, the regime that has been in power since 2009 has not made any systematic or serious efforts to implement these policies.

Educational development thus remained fragmented, lacking a comprehensive vision, and characterized by partial and reactive responses to current operational problems. On top of this, narrow political and factional interests led to decisions and actions that had little to do with realizing and serving the goals of education and the interests of children and the nation.

The consequences of the disorder in the system is that now that people can express their grievances, students, teachers and various vested interests are making all sorts of demands, sometimes violently and resorting to violence. Some of these demands require urgent action, others require reasonable consideration, but all have system-wide implications that cannot be ignored. We are talking about scrapping the incomplete portions of HSC exams this year, mass scrapping of recent study papers and textbooks and reverting to 2012 study materials, appointments being made in public universities using old methods rather than with transparency and publicly stated and applied criteria, and also decision making. -production dominated by ministerial bureaucrats. Some of them have little understanding of the nuances of education or seek to pursue selfish goals, as was the case under the old regime. Simply sending circulars and orders from the capital to every corner of the country continues to be the preferred solution to problems. People and their habits have not changed.

Why is there still no commission to reform the vital education sector? Is it too complex and difficult to reach consensus on important issues? Will the commission stir up more controversy and discord in society than the interim government is willing to endure? These are legitimate concerns. But these concerns apply to all other government-appointed commissions.

The National Education Policy 2010, recognizing the complexity and sensitivity of the sector, recommended the establishment of a permanent statutory education commission that would guide policy implementation strategies, monitor progress and inform the national parliament and the public about the state of education in the country. The previous regime generally did not want its activities to attract such public attention. Perhaps he could appoint a commission of his own elected men, which would not serve the public interest, as has happened with other statutory bodies. The Provisional Government does not need and should not follow this tradition. You shouldn’t push critical issues under the rug.

A carefully selected education commission can advise the provisional government and serve the nation in the following areas:

i) Direction of discussion and steps to create an education sector plan with a 10-year time frame and more specificity for five years. Initial work in this direction was done both with the participation of ministries and with the support of UNESCO and the Global Partnership for Education in 2020, but the government was unable to continue it.
ii) The sectoral plan will emphasize a time-bound program and strategy for universal primary and secondary education, effective and market-oriented vocational education and training, employment-oriented four-year colleges at the National University and rigorous expansion of universities. application of quality criteria.
iii) New thinking about teachers and school educators to attract and retain the best talent in teaching.
iv) Sensitive, accountable and decentralized educational leadership and management with efficient use of educational resources and significant increase in public investment.
v) Assist in articulating the government’s position on external assistance areas and priorities in line with the proposed sectoral plan and strategies for various sub-sectors.
vi) As the education budget for FY25, the first budget prepared by the caretaker government should reflect the spirit and objectives of the youth-led nation’s education program.

The Education Commission should probably function somewhat differently for two reasons. First, the government can seek his advice and rely on his discussions on various current sensitive issues, such as the demands of seven government colleges in Dhaka for redress of their various long-ignored grievances. Second, in anticipation of the establishment of a permanent commission on education, the committee now appointed could engage in public dialogue about the nature, role, and composition of said permanent body and continue to serve as a commission until the permanent commission is formally established.

The creation of an education commission could be a way to honor and repay a small part of the nation’s debt to the martyrs and victims of the July-August uprising.

Dr. Manzoor Ahmed is an Emeritus Professor at BRAC University, Chairman of the Bangladesh ECD Network (BEN) and Advisor to the Campaign for People’s Education (CAMPE).

The views expressed in this article are those of the author.

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