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Türkiye, BRICS and Erdogan’s global aspirations

Türkiye, BRICS and Erdogan’s global aspirations

During the annual BRICS summit in Russia on October 22–24 this year, Türkiye submitted an official application to join the BRICS group of countries. However, the summit did not end with Türkiye becoming a new member of the international bloc.

ReportedlyHowever, it was India that raised objections to Turkey’s proposal. However, almost every BRICS member state has reason to mistrust Ankara, which will now feel isolated and distanced from its traditional allies in the West.

President Recep Tayyip Erdogan believes Türkiye is a world power and should be recognized as such. He declared his intention to make Turkey superpower. He talked about the world is bigger than fiveThis is a reference to the five permanent members of the UN Security Council, as well as a veiled reference to Turkey’s global role. Erdogan also said that Türkiye will become logistics superpower by 2053a convenient year as it will mark the 130th anniversary of the founding of the Turkish Republic.

So, back in January 2024, when Ankara saw Iran, Egypt, Ethiopia and the UAE become members of BRICS, Ankara could not help but seek membership, which it believed would be a means of strengthening its international standing. Erdogan has long sought EU membership. even before the BRICS expansion.

But unlike other BRICS members, Türkiye is a member of NATO and the Council of Europe and remains a candidate for EU membership. In other words, Türkiye is part of the Western defense and diplomatic architecture, and has been for generations.

The pursuit of BRICS membership is another example of Ankara distancing itself from its traditional allies in order to enhance its international prestige. In fact, Turkey’s policies impede Western security. There are many examples of this, but a few will serve to illustrate this point.

Turkey’s weak attitude towards its border between 2012 and 2014 allowed thousands of jihadists to enter Syria when the so-called Islamic State was on the rise. The Islamic State has claimed responsibility for a number of terrorist atrocities on European soil, ranging from November 2015 Terrorist attacks in Paris. 130 people died in 2017 Manchester Arena bombing which resulted in the death of 22 people. Instead of making NATO states safer, Türkiye has done the opposite, allowing militant jihadi forces to gain strength on its doorstep.

To make matters worse, Ankara’s subsequent intervention in Syria pitted Turkish forces against Kurdish YPG forces who were on the front line against the Islamic State. This doesn’t even bother Erdogan. threatened to attack US troops in Syria who assisted Kurdish forces in the fight against the Islamic State.

Türkiye also helped Iran avoid sanctions through a state bank and avoided joining international sanctions against Russia. This came shortly before the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action and eased some of the pressure Tehran faced to be flexible during the negotiation process.

Ankara even delayed Sweden and Finland’s accession to NATO by more than 18 months. refused to impose international sanctions against Russia After the invasion of Ukraine in 2022. To make matters worse, Turkey has even purchased Russian S-400 surface-to-air missiles, despite Washington’s repeated attempts to change Ankara’s mind, since the Russian missile defense system could jeopardize the safety of NATO equipment. As a result, in 2019 Türkiye excluded from the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter program.

However, playing East against West for the sake of reputation has done little for Ankara’s great power aspirations. Of course, Türkiye has earned recognition from Iran and South Africa for its open support for Hamas and accession Pretoria genocide case against Israel at the International Court of Justice. But improving ties with these two countries depends on the scale of Turkey’s invasion. Turkey is now viewed not only by Western countries, but also by many BRICS members with distrust and suspicion.

Russian President Vladimir Putin, for example, not very happy with Erdogan’s repeated statements that all Ukrainian territory must be returned. Moscow has also expressed his objection to talk about a potential deal that involves Türkiye stores unused S-400s at NATO bases so that Ankara can receive the coveted F-35.

China also does not trust Turkey. Despite Erdogan holds his tongue about the persecution of the Turkic-Uyghur people, Beijing and Ankara were at each other’s throats in the WTOWith tariffs and accusations thrown at each other.

Relations with Egypt remain tense despite attempts at rapprochement marked by a meeting between Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi and Erdogan in Ankara last September. Erdogan allowed Turkey play host to Sisi’s sworn enemies, the Muslim Brotherhood, and to the publicly named Sisi tyrant. Ankara was also present at opposite side to Cairo during the war in Libya. It’ll take more than smiles and handshakes heal relationships. The same applies to the UAE, which also collided with Turkey over regional and ideological disputes for more than a decade.

Finally, we come to India and its lack of enthusiasm for Turkey’s entry into BRICS. Prime Minister Narendra Modi would have noticed that Erdogan did not mention Kashmir in his speech at the UN General Assembly last September; however, the leader of the world’s largest democracy surely remembers that Erdogan previously took the side of Pakistan on Kashmir in every UN address he has made since 2019, when India revoked the disputed territory’s special status. Modi is also well aware of the situation in Turkey. strong military ties with Islamabad.

Turkey’s foreign policy under Erdogan was one of seeking recognition as a world power; however, Ankara only managed to increase distrust and suspicion towards itself. If Türkiye continues on this trajectory and charts a direction opposite to that of its traditional allies, Western countries should urgently reassess Ankara’s role within their strategic framework.

The views expressed in this commentary are those of the author and do not reflect the views of RUSI or any other organization.

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